FOR EARLY ALLOCATION? This year’s Peace Prize award has been criticized by some for coming too early . After the referendum, the process has been moved back and it is currently uncertain whether it will move forward again. To this many respond that the Nobel Committee can award the prize not only for the results achieved for peace, but also for stimulating ongoing peace processes that may even be in a fragile phase. Then help from outside – and from such an internationally recognized team as the Nobel Committee – can be the little push needed to achieve lasting peace.
STIMULANCE. In a sensitive tipping situation that now just after the referendum, several have emphasized that the Nobel Prize can help stimulate all parties in Colombia to do their utmost to ensure that the peace process does not derail. Although the referendum gave a majority to reject the result of the negotiations, there are snags in the no victory. Opinion polls in advance had shown a clear yes. In particular, support for yes seemed great in areas that over the years have marked the civil war strongest. There are also the most victims. Unfortunately, many there were prevented from voting due to. Hurricane Matthew, and the difference between the two options was, after all, only 54,000 votes. In fact, the victims are among those who have most strongly defended the agreement; not least because they also duly became “tributes” to the Nobel Committee.
PRICE ONLY FOR ONE PARTY . Was it right to award the Peace Prize to only one party to the conflict? While the comments on the award are mostly positive , this is the point where they seem to agree the least. Can the FARC feel the award only to the other party as a lack of recognition that they too have moved in the negotiations and met the government? At least the FARC leadership has so far declared its will for peace and new peace talks. How encouraged and committed will the regular FARCs feel about continuing negotiations when they know that the terms of the peace in a new agreement are likely to be tightened? The UN has reported that 12 percent of the killings of civilians were carried out by the FARC and the ELN, the rest being by government and paramilitary forces. Seen against such figures: How prepared will the FARC then be to make further concessions? On the other hand: Why should one give up now that a solution seems closer than ever?
THINGS TAKE TIME . Not least, peace processes do. And they also take time long after peace agreements have been reached. To what extent will the Colombian government be able to stand by and be able to do something about the deeply unfair distribution – especially the distribution of land – in Colombia? And how will it manage to fight all the violence in society, whether it is politically motivated as a war or purely criminal? Both in nearby Central America and neighboring Venezuela, the level of violence is generally very high. Yes, in Colombia too, crime and corruption are plagues , and they do not go away overnight. So there are plenty of reefs in the sea before there can be lasting peace in Colombia, as a country located in South America according to EZINERELIGION.
DIFFICULT BALANCE. A main concern for the no side is that the agreement is too lenient and lenient towards the FARC. They want to punish harder and also make political participation more difficult for FARCists. In any case, it will be (time-) demanding to balance
- Penalty Reduction: impunity or at least gentle, short center to accommodate the one hand (FARC) alone process against
- Increased penalty: longer penalty to accommodate the other side (No side).
What is most fair, to whom and with what potential effects for a peace agreement? Reconciliation is needed, but how far can and will different parties go? What about the most responsible and those who have been behind the most serious crimes? And as we have seen: Responsibility and guilt for abuse does not just lie with one side. Who should be held accountable for what and to whom justice should be done are therefore important questions.
NO DOES NOT HAVE TO BE AN ACCIDENT. If the peace process in Colombia really leads to a new agreement that the Uribe camp also supports, it means that it can be anchored in a wider section of the population. This will make it more likely that it can withstand trials that are sure to come. On the other hand, it may increase the risk that groups in the FARC will not stand behind an agreement.
WEAPON SUBMISSION. To what extent will the FARC people feel obliged to hand in their weapons and thus contribute to strengthening the state’s monopoly on violence? But is the same state power capable of providing security for life and property for all its inhabitants? In such a flammable situation as today, it is important that the parties and most people in a polarized society overcome distrust among themselves and through dialogue gain more trust in each other.
IS INTERNATIONAL ASSISTANCE COMING? It will be difficult for Colombia in times of economic downturn as now to finance important social reforms as provided for in the agreement. They will need significant financial assistance from outside. Will it come – and then to a sufficient extent? Or do we think that the job will be done only a final agreement is reached – even if it will only be the end of the beginning?